Thank you so much for widening our knowledge on political history.....so sad to hear the way out politician acted.... without thinking about the future of the country
@mortzkizshikesh9375 The name of Karava King Wimaladharmasuriya I (1591-1604) before his coronation was Koon-Appu Bandara. Koon is a south Indian word for King and the Sri Lankan chronicle Rajavaliya says that Matara was given to Samarakoon Ralahami for exceptional valor at war
Adopting Sinhala as the official state language was something that had to happen. However, not introducing a sensible and practical official language act to cater for the needs of Tamil speaking people in north and east was politically and socially ignorant and short sighted approach by the opportunistic Sinhala politicians of those days. Tamil chauvinist politicians were able to exploit the grievances of ordinary Tamil people in north and east because our SInhala politicians created the background for it(taking it on from the colonial administration). This kind of socially significant change should've been planned and implemented over no less than a decade of time period by creating necessary institutions for the transformation, in order to allow Tamils in north and east to adapt and organize their social-political institutions to work with the central government. That was not possible with our clueless and greedy politicians as well as clueless Sinhala Buddhist campaigners who were trying to address the centuries of Sinhala Buddhist grievances with quicker solutions. In other words, "Sinhala official state language" process should not have been politicized the way it was done. Once it became a bargaining and playing tool for the two major political parties, it was already on the path to a major conflict by adding incendiary to a fire.
Dharmasiri Kariyawasm, has made a four part video presentation on the “Sinhala Only” issue. Although his citations are accurate, they are not comprehensive. Few, if any, are there references to Tamil sources. Kariyawasm bases his presentation on what is available in Sinhala language or those translated into Sinhala. There is much that is available in English which has not been translated to Sinhala - for instance, James Manor’s biography of Bandaranaike. The presenter quotes extensively from the biography of J R Jayawardene, by K M de Silva and Howard Wriggins, and also from Bandaranaike’s biography by Malalgoda Banduthilaka. Kariyawasm seems to have a soft spot for Bandaranaike and attempts to make out that he was more a victim of circumstances in which he was placed and that the real culprit in this saga is JR. There may be some truth in it. A flaw in Kariyawasm’s presentation, however, is that he alludes motives to the actions of various actors in this matter. Particularly those of JR and Sir John but rarely Bandaranaike. The more serious flaw is that Kariyawasm does not dig deeper into the underlying reasons that gave rise to the facts recorded. This is what needs to be debated and which I proceed to do in this essay. It is long, but bear with me for it is important to have this discussion. K M de Silva’s biography of JR is thorough. As an academic and a historian, de Silva is careful not to suggest motives without substantiating them with supporting evidence. Whereas, Kariyawasm freely attributes motives. That said, those motives may not be too far off the mark. It would have been good if he did more research and supported his opinions with evidence. Origins of the language policies go back to the early part of the last century. Initially, the general consensus was to have both Sinhala and Tamil as official languages. JR mooted the idea that Sinhala should be the (only) official language. Bandaranaike took it up and ran on the Sinhala Only ticket at the 1956 Election. Obviously, as everyone knows, and Kariyawasm also says, it resonated with the Sinhala masses. That is common knowledge. But the unexamined part is how and why it so resonated with the masses and, more importantly what was in it, materially, for the common man. That is the more interesting inquiry. More precisely, what were the motivating factors for the Sinhala masses to find Sinhala Only so appealing. This is a topic that is important to discuss at length because, undoubtedly, the language issue is at the core of the breakdown of the Sinhala-Tamil relationship. That breakdown snowballed into other intractable issues (B-C Pact, D-C Pact, Devolution, 13 and 13+, Kurundi, etc) to resolve. In turn, these led to five factors that underpins the current economic malaise. These being, (a) exodus of minorities to form powerful lobbies in the West against Sri Lanka, (b) massive brain drain of professional that were/are necessary to build up the economy, (c) a thirty year bloody civil war drastically draining resources, (d) the rise of a criminal and corrupt political class which is epitomized by the Rajapaksas and (e) a colossal deterioration of order, governance, accountability and social values. All these are interconnected, each impacting the other. And most, if not all, emanating from the 1956 language policy. What then, were the motivating factors that gave rise to mass support for Bandaranaike’s promise of “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours”? To understand this, it is necessary to examine the composition of the society leading up to 1956.
As Kariyawasm points out, there was about 5% of the society that were competent in English in terms of their education and professional status. There would have been another 5% to 10% who were equally educated, but in the vernacular, mainly in the Swabhasha medium teaching profession, some in the informal Ayurveda medical profession and the Buddhist clergy. The “Sanga, Veda, Guru” triad that energized Bandaranaike’s 1956 Campaign. Rest of the population (“Govi, Kamakaru”), constituting perhaps as much as 85%, were mostly in rural based agricultural, fishing and allied trades. The social class above them led these people by their noses to vote for Bandaranaike. These percentages may vary slightly, but suffice for this analysis. The 5% that had an English education included a miniscule number belonging to the elite class. They were certainly less than 0.1% and mainly in Colombo and other provincial towns. These were the high end professionals, senior administrators, tea planters, private sector executives and such like. The rest were the typical Ceylonese middleclass - such as English medium teachers, station masters, post masters, apothecaries, cooperative inspectors, clerks, and others. Though not at all elitist from a social context, because these people had an English education and because they spoke the language fluently and had embraced some degree of Western cultural facets, this layer of the society was perceived to be above the vernacular educated. Very few of those who had an education totally in the vernacular were in these employment types. The principal fault line of the Ceylonese middleclass in 1956 was this division between the English and the vernacular educated. The vernacular educated middleclass resented what they perceived as the privileged position and social recognition of the English educated middleclass. Terms such as “godaya” was often used to refer to those who were middleclass in an economic sense but were not proficient in English. Added to this there was the issue of the trouser. An English education was seen as a prerequisite to don a trouser. The vernacular educated, often, were confined to wear a “redda” (national costume or tweed cloth and coat). There was nothing preventing anyone wearing anything. But there was a tacit injunction that if one was not educated in English, then one should not wear a trouser. By 1956 the taboos regarding the dress weren't all that sharp as it had been in previous times, but it was still around. Although the 1956 official language issue is often characterized as a tussle between Sinhalese and Tamil masses (which it most certainly was not), the more relevant factor was the issue of perceived higher position of those educated in English vis-à-vis those who had a similar education, but in Sinhala. Whether this was also the case with those educated in Tamil is difficult to say. But it is unlikely because in general the Tamils weren’t in awe of English and Western Culture as the Sinhalese were. For the Tamils, English was an inferior language. Tamil language is one of the oldest languages in the world with a history spanning thousands of years and associated with a rich culture. Thus, the average Tamil does not hold English in awe as their Sinhala counterpart. This awe at, and reverence towards, things English, coupled with the trepidation and a sense of inferiority among the middleclass educated in the vernacular, made the English language and Western culture their most reviled enemy. It was a Love-Hate relationship. They loved to be in the English educated cluster, but hated those who were because they weren’t in it. This psycho-emotional fact was a very powerful political force which Bandaranaike exploited to the maximum. Thus, the objective of “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” was more to topple English language and Western culture from the pedestal it stood at the time in 1956 than the need for Sinhala to be the official language. It was the lack of competence in English language of those educated in the vernacular, and consequently their distance from Western culture, that brought about the desire to demolish the status English language and culture had in the 1956 society. Why then, was the objection to making Tamil also an official language on par with Sinhalese? Why was parity of status objected to? This is a more complex question. By demolishing English, the vernacular educated Sinhala middleclass wanted to get on the pedestal so vacated. And they didn’t want to share that space with Tamils. There were reasons for this. In 1956 Tamils had far more places in the public service and in elite professions than their population numbers warranted. Had Tamil been recognized on equal terms with Sinhalese, then, obviously, this imbalance could have continued and denied quick-time advancement for the Sinhalese. By not recognizing Tamil as a national official language, the Sinhala middleclass with an English education also had an advantage in vying for these positions and promotions thereafter. Upshot was that Sinhalese middleclass, whether educated in English or in the vernacular, saw advantages in denying parity of status for Tamil.
Then there are still other factors that are even more complex. It is here that the thesis of the psychoanalyst, Vamık Volkan, needs to be considered. Volkan studied the most intricate sociopolitical conflicts around the world for decades and posited a theory. The theory neatly applies to the situation in 1956 Ceylon. In a nutshell, Volkan says that some societies suffer from hidden traumas and these manifest in conflict between different communal groupings in the present. For four and a half centuries, the Sinhalese were under European colonial rule. And, half a millennia before that, for one reason or another, they fled the center of their civilization in the north central part of the island. Finally, the last colonizer gave independence almost for the asking. There was no freedom struggle to look back with pride as a national achievement. All in all, it was a pretty tame history. Thus, for a thousand years, the Sinhalese had nothing significant to brag about. With Independence, tribal Sinhala mindset needed something to redeem this inadequacy. The easiest was to find an internal enemy to flex its muscle. And, Tamils fitted the bill perfectly. They were the enemy of yore, now powerless and easily bullied. And “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” gave the much needed verve to bloat the deflated tribal egos. It was the same mindset, a half a century on and the “victory” in the Civil War made these tribalists (the inheritors of the prejudices of the earlier generation of vernacular educated middleclass) to elevate Rajapaksa to the status of Maharajano. But what of the 85% underclass in the society? Where did they stand in 1956? Were they opposed to parity of status? Very unlikely. Their only issue, if they were able to articulate it, is that they be given the opportunity to deal with the administration in Sinhala, the only language they knew. And, that courts function in that language so that they know whether they receive justice. Leonard Woolf’s novel, The Village in the Jungle, written in the early part of last century, tells the story of Silindu, an impoverished villager in Hambantota district eking a life on the edge of the jungle. Silindu faces a myriad of challenges at the hands of the low level officialdom and, one thing leading to another, is ultimately put on trial for murder. The case is conducted in English and Silindu’s side of the story dissipates into nothing in translation. Woolf, in 1913, sees the injustice meted out to lower level natives because of their inability to present their cases to administrators and courts in their own language. George Orwell makes a similar point in his novel, Burmese Days, in 1920s Burma. For the 85% of the lower social strata in the island in 1956, the only issue (as far as language was concerned) was to be able to communicate in their own tongue with the officialdom. Whether Sinhala should be the only official language wasn’t an issue for them. Then, how and why did they vote for Bandaranaike? Because of the widespread campaigning by the vernacular educated Sinhala middleclass, the Sanga -Veda-Guru triad. They portrayed Tamils as the enemy, invoked ancient legend and myth, and that time has come for the Sinhala people to rule the island. Did they fall for it? Not really. The Sinhala villager is not a racist like their betters in the middleclass. But they came under their influence at village level. As always, it is the middleclass that influences the class below them which way to vote. Tragically, the universal franchise of the common man, in many countries, is arrogated by a manipulative middleclass and their agents. At the 1956 Election, only Bandaranaike made “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” a battle cry. The UNP had earlier called for parity of status, which would have been the consensus stand of the party except for JR. When they felt that Bandaranaike was making headway with his 24 Hour pitch, the UNP also promised to make Sinhala Only as the official language. If one were to look at the voting pattern, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), the coalition Bandaranaike headed, received 40% of the popular vote. The UNP received 28%. Although they too were for Sinhala Only, whether that issue was a deciding criterion for its voter base is doubtful. Had they stuck with parity of status, they may even have received a higher percentage of votes. The left parties didn’t do badly at all in the Sinhala electorates even though they were firmly for Parity of Status. One could surmise from the above that the support for Sinhala Only, per se, wasn’t overwhelming. All that the common man wanted was to be able to interact with the government in their own language. Although, the public perception is otherwise; it is distorted as a mass demand for Sinhala Only. The tragedy is this. If Bandaranaike did not spearhead the Sinhala Only campaign, it is unlikely anyone else would have. Some smaller extremist parties may have agitated for Sinhala Only, but it would not have translated to parliamentary seats. Had Bandaranaike not made language an issue, he may still have won the 1956 election, perhaps with a smaller margin. And politics in the country would have been fought not on sectarian basis, but on economics and other matters. And the subsequent history of the island would have been quite different. The irony is that the language issue was meant to provide the Silindus of the country means of communicating with the administration in their own language. Whether it was only in Sinhala or in either Sinhala or Tamil wouldn’t have made an iota of difference to a vast majority of the people. To have Sinhala Only as the official language was a desire of the Sinhalese middleclass, and more significantly, those who were educated in the vernacular. It was a combination of envy, a sense of inferiority, an expectation of getting an advantage and, to boost a historically deflated ego. This coterie would not have been more than 5% of the population. Yet, they were able to unleash an immense amount of discord between the speakers of the two languages. Which, in turn, ruined the country. In that sense, Bandaranaike is the principal culprit. He made a Faustian bargain with the Sanga-Veda-Guru triad for power, sacrificing the cordiality that previously existed between the Sinhala and Tamil people. Although, one has to accept that Bandaranaike did try to put the genie back in the bottle. If not for his untimely death, he may have tried to uproot the poison weeds he planted in 1956. But then, history moved on. …And those poisonous weeds still grow well in Kurund Show less
Good work. I am interested to see your research findings/observations on the following: 1. The Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Act of 1958, which was passed just two years after the Sinhala only act? 2. Do you think the Sinhala extremism that you mentioned was a reaction to the unfair advantage the English educated Tamils had in the public sector at the time? 3. Didn't the Tamil politicians demand 50:50 representation in the National Assembly long before the so-called official language debate /independence?
Kaari, this is news to me to hear that Kolvin R de Silva included the "Sinhala official state language" status in the 1972 republic constitution which he opposed twenty years before that. I am not sure whether to describe the switch as hypocrisy or describe it as the typical political ideology cycle of average politician which starts with the leftist and end up in the right wing or radical to conservative conversion as they age(or simply a political strategy to address the traditional left's decreasing popularity by catering for the grievances of Sinhala Buddhist majority). Either way, Kolvin's switch of ideology is something we need to closely study and find out how, why and when. What we can learn from this video series is how craftily both SInhala and Tamil elite politicians continued the colonial tactic of "divide and rule" policy for their own political and other survival and thriving. It is difficult to be exact about what was going inside SWRD Bandaranayake's head in terms of his genuineness about not force feeding Sinhala language to people in north and east. It is also abundantly obvious how a small minor minority of chauvinists dictated the mindset of the major majority, just as Velupillai Pirabaharan did. Crazy chauvinists don't drop from the sky. Historical, social. political, economic, personal and otherwise factors always contribute to the birth of such individuals or groups. Sinhala elite minority chauvinists existence can be explained by historical factor of legitimate grievances of ordinary SInhala Buddhist crowd that has been growing for centuries and the same can be said about Tamil chauvinists elite groups as well. The manipulating chauvinists are always at the right place at the right time when the background has been growing for centuries. What is obvious from your videos is how a very small manipulating minority elite exploited and initiated hatred among ordinary people to the point of going on riots and attacking each other. We can argue that the Sinhala elite chauvinists existed because of the existence of Tamil chauvinists or vice versa. Ultimately, that can end up as a chicken or the egg argument. Bandaranayake probably wanted to do the sensible and right thing to prevent future political, social and otherwise complications. However, he did not appear to be a strong leader who could ignore the political disadvantages and challenge the approach of Tamil and SInhala ignorant and manipulating elite minority.
Adopting Sinhala as the official state language was something that had to happen. However, not introducing a sensible and practical official language act to cater for the needs of Tamil speaking people in north and east was politically and socially ignorant and short sighted approach by the opportunistic Sinhala politicians of those days. Tamil chauvinist politicians were able to exploit the grievances of ordinary Tamil people in north and east because our SInhala politicians created the background for it(taking it on from the colonial administration). This kind of socially significant change should've been planned and implemented over no less than a decade of time period by creating necessary institutions for the transformation, in order to allow Tamils in north and east to adapt and organize their social-political institutions to work with the central government. That was not possible with our clueless and greedy politicians as well as clueless Sinhala Buddhist campaigners who were trying to address the centuries of Sinhala Buddhist grievances with quicker solutions. In other words, "Sinhala official state language" process should not have been politicized the way it was done. Once it became a bargaining and playing tool for the two major political parties, it was already on the path to a major conflict by adding incendiary to a fire.
It was Sinhala ONLY act that created divisions and NOT the Sinhala Act.................Talk about 1962 Political coup, Assassination of Bandaranaike, 1972 Land Reform act
According to you, the pressure on Bandaranaike to make only Sinhala the official language came from his own followers. It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru" and attributed Sinhala racism to them. Otherwise, he agreed with the opinion of the racists to increase his followers. Eventually his own followers outgrew him. The other is that Bandaranaike cannot wash his hands by crediting Perera's account of including this in the Constitution because he was the leader of that government.
//According to you, the pressure on Bandaranaike to make only Sinhala the official language came from his own followers// Not according to me, according to history. //It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru" and attributed Sinhala racism to them.// This is factually wrong. //Eventually, his own followers outgrew him.// This is true. //The other is that Bandaranaike cannot wash his hands by crediting Perera's account of including this in the Constitution because he was the leader of that government.// Responsibility is not for what was done, but for how it was done.
You are correct. Banda is directly responsible for the failed state that is Sri Lanka today. No amount of white washing his sins can deny it. Things can only get worse until one day this country gets fully destroyed due to this stupid action done decades ago. Hope we will not be alive to see it....
"It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru" That is not true. Those "five social forces" were the work of Anagarika Dharmapala and similar campaigners. Dharmapala campaigned most of his life to elevate the self respect and self esteem of Sinhala Buddhist crowd until he gave up in the end and abandoned his campaign. Bandaranayake, more or less exploited and built his political movement that was based on Dharmapala's work and other similar contemporary campaigner's work. Bandaranayake did not have much of an understanding of those Sinhala Buddhist cultural forces and grievances he was dealing with until it was too late. He had his head filled with modern western liberal ideals due to his western education and heavy western cultural influence. When Bandaranayake realised the candle he lighted among the majority Sinhala Buddhist crowd by using their historical grievances, has turned into an inferno at the hands of few Tamil and SInhala chauvinists, it was already a mess. He was already on the receiving end of wrath from both Sinhala and Tamil political elite who had their own agenda of preserving themselves and their interests, rather than addressing the true grievances of average Sinhala Buddhists of all around the island and Tamil Hindus of north and east. Major part of grievances from both average Sinhala and Tamil people were economical grievances that was masquerading under the guise of cultural(language, religion, politics, etc). This economic or the quality of life problem has not changed in anyway to this day. Most of these so called cultural and political issues will become less important if the economic problem or the quality of life issue among ordinary Tamil and Sinhala people are addressed.. As always, privileged political elite always complicate existing problems or create new ones among ordinary people to protect their elite status, both economically and politically. Best tactic they have been using throughout the history is to divide and turn people against each other.
Sinhalese have been living in this island for more than 2600 years unbroken with having inter marriage with "vaddas" Even today sinhalese language have many vadda language words ( ex: "ඇත්තො" , "ඇ" word from "vadda language" and only language with having word "ඇ" in the entire world and many more relations,...) Sinhalese built the Civilization In this land ..so sinhalese have every rights to claim the country than any other colonial slave migraters who brought by british , portuguese,.. were lower cust tamils from india, muslims , as their slave works as they have beed alway treated in india , Sinhalese fought against all those foreign invaders to protect this land By sacrificing their lives , familys ,... everything they had, More than anyone had ever done on this land 🙏
පවු බන්ඩාරනායක බබා තමා! He’s the one who took the genie out of the bottle and he obviously couldn’t put it back in! That’s his fault IMHO and have to disagree with Kari with his conclusion!
When people interpret historical facts, they are often influenced by their political, racial, or religious ideologies and biases. While some individuals genuinely strive to remain impartial and avoid taking sides in political matters, complete neutrality is often difficult to achieve due to various factors such as political, religious and racial beliefs. I don't know if Kaari actually believes he is politically neutral which is a naive thing to believe or if he actually has a hidden agenda. However, it's obvious he is a staunch supporter of Bandarnaike and saying that disagreeing with him disagrees with history only shows his arrogance. මිනිසුන් ඓතිහාසික කරුණු අර්ථකථනය කරන විට, ඔවුන් බොහෝ විට ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන, වාර්ගික හෝ ආගමික මතවාදයන් සහ පක්ෂග්රාහී බලපෑම්වලට ලක් වේ. සමහර පුද්ගලයන් අවංකවම අපක්ෂපාතීව සිටීමට සහ දේශපාලන කාරණාවලදී පැත්තක් ගැනීමෙන් වැළකී සිටීමට උත්සාහ කරන අතර, දේශපාලන/ආගමික/වාර්ගික විශ්වාසයන් වීම වැනි විවිධ සාධක හේතුවෙන් සම්පූර්ණ මධ්යස්ථභාවය සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම බොහෝ විට දුෂ්කර ය. කාරී, ඔහුගේ අදහස් මධ්යස්ථයි කියා අවංකවම විශ්වාස කරනවද කියලා (එසේ නම් ඔහු ඉතා බොළඳයි) නැතහොත් ඔහුට සැබවින්ම සැඟවුණු න්යාය පත්රයක් තිබේදැයි මම නොදනිමි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඔහු බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ දැඩි ආධාරකරුවෙකු බව පැහැදිලිය, ඔහු සමඟ එකඟ නොවීම ඉතිහාසයට එකඟ නොවන බව පැවසීම ඔහුගේ උඩඟුකම පමණක් පෙන්නුම් කරයි.
කාරි යනු ඉතිහාසය පිළිබඳ පණිවිඩ කරුවකු පමණි. පණිවිඩ කරුවකුට වෙඩ් තැබීම මගින් ඉතිහාසය වෙනස් කළ නොහැකි ය. තවද අද බොහෝ අය මෙම සංසිද්ධිය තේරුම් ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කරන්නේ එදා ලංකාවේ පැවති සමාජ වපසරිය සහ සන්දර්භය පිළිබද නිසි අවබෝධයක් නොමැතිව වේ. කාරි කරනේ එය පිළිබඳ ව නිසි අවබෝධයක් ලබාගැනීමට උපකාරීවීමයි. ඔහු කරුණු වාර්තා කරන ආකාරය වෘත්තීය මට්ටමින් පවත්වාගෙන යන අතර ප්රේක්ෂකයකු ලෙස ඔහුට සැගවුණ න්යාය පත්රයක් ඇති බවක් මට නොපෙනේ. තවද සියලු අගතියන්ගෙන් (biases) තොරව කිසිදු මනුෂ්යයකුට වාර්තාවන් ඉදිරිපත් කල නොහැක, කලහැකි වන්නේ අගතීන් ඇත්නම් ඒවා ප්රකාශයට පත් කිරීම පමණි. Politics is art of possible. There is no point accusing Badarnaike or any one politician or person individually for making Sinhala the official language. Perhaps their personal views on this could have beeen different. What we have do is to learn lessons from it make our future peaceful and prosperous. Otherwise, we would become once again a colony in the 21st century. All countries got indipence from their colonial masters had gone through similar situation sometime or the other in their post indipendent era. Bitter truth is most of them had managed these crises much more better than we Sri Lankans did. Let's we be humble enough to learn from our past mistakes.
90% of socalled sri lankan tamil was Brought here by portuguese , dutch , english time to time from india to costal aria to work as slave workers (before they were lower cast tamils in india , sakkiliyar, roddi,.. etc , who later became suicide attackers and were forced to do so by upper cast tamils ) after the massacred of those costal living sinhalese by colonizers and immediately sinhalese villages became tamil villages , after ponnambalam ramathan (also migrated from sound india and who didn' t even knew much about ceylon people or culture and british gave him higher possession in government than sinhalese becouse sinhalese were alway fighting for freedom against the british ) became registar general changed those indian tamils Identity as a ceylon tamils and nowadays they says they are oldest here , my advice you to read old ceylon gazettes and what was did by Ponnambalam ramathan and arunachalem🧐 30 years of civil war was created by british , dutch and portuguese colonialism and their slave labours outnumbered native people and disenfranchised the identity of vanni and north-eastern coastal living sinhalese
ඔබ තුමා ඉදිරිපත් කරන මේ කරුණු කාරණා 1980 ගණන් වල ඉපදුණු අපිට කවදාවත් කියවන්න ලැබිලා නෑ. දේශපාලන චරිතාපදාන, පරණ හැන්සාඩ් වගේ දේවල් කියවලා තිබුණට කරුණු හරි හැටි පෙළගස්වගන්න අගක් මුලක් දැනගෙන හිටියේ නෑ. ඒ නිසාම ඉපදුණු රටට මොකද වුනේ කියන එක තේරුණේ නෑ...ඔබ තුමා මේ කරන විග්රහයන් වගේම මූලාශ්ර ඉදිරිපත් කිරීම ඉතාම වටිනවා. ඔබේ සේවයට බොහොම ස්තූතියි ❤
සුද්ද ලංකාවෙන් යනකොට දෙමලු හිතන් හිටියෙ උන් මහ ජාතිය කියලා.අපි සුලු ජාතිය කියලා.යුද්දෙන් පස්සෙ තමයි උන් උන්ගෙ නියම තැන දැනගත්තෙ.
තාමත් මේ ජාතිවාදී ගැටළුව තේරුම්අරගෙන නෑ නේද?
අසා ඇති අතීත බිහිසුණු
සිදුවීම් පවා යම් නම් ගම් ආදියෙන් සිහියට නංවන ඉතා උනන්දුවෙන් අසා සිටිය හැකි සිදුවීම් පෙලක්..
ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමේ විලාශය ද හඬ ද එයට අලංකාරයක්..
ස්තුතී..දිගාසිරි !...
මේක ලංකාවේ හැමෝම අහන්න ඕන කතාවක්
කුණු ගොඩවල් බැලුවට මේවා බලන අය අඩුයි බං. ඒකයි මේ රටට මේම වුනෙත්. මේ දැනුමෙන් මිනිස්සු පෝෂණය විය යුතුයි.
@@S_han1210ow eeka aththa man ahamben dakke mula idala serama tika ahanawa dan
1946යේ ඉපදුන මා, 1956යේ SWRD බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා කළ කතාව ඇහුවා. එදා TV තිබුනේ නෑ. Radio Ceylon නම් ඉන්දියාවේ සිට ප්රචාරණ කළ රේඩියෝ සේවයයි තිබුනේ. වයස 9යේ මම බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතා කළ කතාව රේඩියෝවේ අහගෙන හිටියා. එතුමාගේ අමුතු උච්චාරණය ඇහුනාම මට හිතුනා මෙයා ඉංග්රීසි අකුරෙන් ලියූ සිංහල කියවනවා කියා. වරින්වර ගොත ගසමින් "නොයෙක්, නොයෙක්" කියමින් ඔහු කතාව කළා. අගමැති තුමා පුවත්පත් වල දෙමළ වේට්ටිය, "ආරිය සිංහල ඇඳුම" කියා ඇඳගෙන පෙන්නුවාම මට හිතුනා මේ කළු සුද්දා වේට්ටිය ඇන්දේ පින්තුරයට විතරයි කියා.
අති විශිෂ්ට සමාජ මෙහෙවරක් 💐
ලස්සනට විසඳගන්න තිබුණ ප්රශ්ණයක් අනාගත්ත හැටි......
Thank you so much for widening our knowledge on political history.....so sad to hear the way out politician acted.... without thinking about the future of the country
Great explanation Kari aiya,
ලෝක ජනගහනය ගත්හ හම දෙමල ජනගහනය වැඩි. රටක් විදීහට ගත්හ හම ලංකාවේ සිංහල ජනගහනය වැඩි. මම තේරුම් ගත්ත විදහට රටක බහුලව බාවිතා වන භාෂාව රාජ්ය භාෂාව විය යුතුය.
නමුත් මෙහම ගැටළුවක් තියෙනවා.
1815 ලියවිලි ගන්න ඒකේ දෙමල සහ සිංහල යන දෙකම තම අත්සන් ලෙස භාවිතා කරලා තියෙනවා. සිංහල ඔවුනට දෙමල නම්ද ඇත. මා ඇතුළු ගොඩක් දෙනකුගේ වාසගම් දෙමළ. ඒ කියන්නේ සිංහල සහ දෙමල කලවම්. භෂා අතින් ගත්කලත් සමාන කම් ඇත. සිංහල සහ දෙමල භෂා ද එකිනෙක කලවම් වී ඇත. භාෂාවක් ඉගන ගැනීම තමන්ට අතිරේක වාසියක් ගෙන දෙන අතර රටක් විදිහට ගත්කල සිංහල සහ දෙමල ගැටළුවක් ලෙස නොදැකිය යුතු අතර ශ්රී ලාංකිකයින් ලෙස තමන් ලෝකයේ ශක්තිමත් ලෙස ලෝකයේ බලවත් ජාතියක් ලෙස නැගී සිටීමයි විය යුත්තේ. එයයි මගේ දැක්ම.
නැතිව පිල් කීපයකට බෙදී වාද ඇති කිරීම ගෝරි ඇති කිරම හෝ යුද්ද කිරම නොවේ. ලෝකය ඉදිරියේ සවුත්තු වෙන්නේ අපි අපිමය. දිරපු ලනු ගිල්මෙන් වලකින්න. Thank You.
අනිවාර් යයෙන් ම.
@mortzkizshikesh9375 upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/09/The_Kandyan_Convention_of_1815.jpg
@mortzkizshikesh9375 The name of Karava King Wimaladharmasuriya I (1591-1604) before his coronation was Koon-Appu Bandara. Koon is a south Indian word for King and the Sri Lankan chronicle Rajavaliya says that Matara was given to Samarakoon Ralahami for exceptional valor at war
@mortzkizshikesh9375 මෙහෙම ගැටලුව විසදමු: ලංකාව පාලනය කරණ රජු දෙමළ (වාසගමට අනුව) නමුත් සංනිවේදන භාෂාව සිංහල කියල ගන්න වෙනවා. රාජාවලිය අතරමගදී බිද හෙලීම තමා මේ ගැටලුවට හේතුව.
සිරිමාවොගෙ සීයා කොහොමත් උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ "යිරත්වත්තෛ" කියලා දෙමළෙන් අත්සන්තබා ඇත .
උබලා වගේ කලවම් දෙමළ්ලුන්ගෙ උවමනාවට (සිරිමාවො, බණ්ඩාරනායක , N.M.Perera ,කොල්වින් ආර් .ද සිල්වා ) 1970 ගණන් වල සිලෝන්(සිංහලේ) කියලා අවෘදු 600කට වඩා තිබ්බ අපේ රටේ නම
එක රැයෙන් " ශ්රී ලංකාවක්" කරලා අපිව කොහෙද යන "ශ්රී ලාංකිකයො" 🤣කරා ! මොකද උබලා මතුපිටින් සිංහල ලෙස පෙනී හිටියට උබලගෙ ඇත්ත ආගම ඉන්දියාවෙ හින්දු ආගම නිසා ඉන්දියාවෙ බමුණන්ගෙ රාමායණයට අනුව අපේ රටේ නම "ශ්රී ලංකාවක්' කරා !
"යිරත්වත්තෛ" යනු වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ සමයේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ගුරුකම් කරන්න ආපු බමුණන් පිරිසක් වන අතර වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ ආධාරයෙන් සිංහල මිනිස්සුන්ගෙ ඉඩම් කොටුකරගෙන , පසුව සිංහල නම් දමාගත් පිරිසකි , ඒකයි ඔව්න්ට 1815 වන විටත් සිංහල අකුරක් වත් ලියන්න දන්නැත්තෙ ,මොකද දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙ බ්රාහ්මණයන්ගෙ භාෂාව දෙමළ භාෂාව නිසා ඔබ්න් ඉගෙන ගත්තෙ දෙමළ , බෞද්ධයන් නොවූ බැවින් සිංහල පිරිවෙන් අධ්යාපනයක් නොලබා ඇතිබැවින් , හරියට සිංහලෙන් තමන්ගේ නමවත් ලිවීමට නොදන්නා බැවිනි!
Godak sthuthi carrige mahathmayata 🙏
බොහෝ දෙ දැනගත්තා ඔබට ස්තූතියි
Many thanks you sir
Mr Darmasri ,
Thank you so much for your information. I love your all the posts.
සැවොම අමතක කළ හෝ අමතක වුනා සේ සිටින මූළිකම දෙය තමා සිංහල රාජ්ය භාෂාව ලෙස වෙනස් වූයේ ඉංග්රිසි භාෂාවේ සිට බව. ඉංග්රිසි භාෂාව එසේම තිබුනා නම් දෙමළ භාෂාව කතා කරන අයට සතුටුයි ද? පර භාෂාවක සිට 72%ක් භාවිතා කරන භාෂාව ට වෙනස් කිරීම මහා අපරාධයක් ලෙස සළකන්නේ ඇයි.
❤❤❤
Very correct. Even majority of Sinhalese have forgotten that.
👍👍👍👍👍
Adopting Sinhala as the official state language was something that had to happen. However, not introducing a sensible and practical official language act to cater for the needs of Tamil speaking people in north and east was politically and socially ignorant and short sighted approach by the opportunistic Sinhala politicians of those days. Tamil chauvinist politicians were able to exploit the grievances of ordinary Tamil people in north and east because our SInhala politicians created the background for it(taking it on from the colonial administration).
This kind of socially significant change should've been planned and implemented over no less than a decade of time period by creating necessary institutions for the transformation, in order to allow Tamils in north and east to adapt and organize their social-political institutions to work with the central government. That was not possible with our clueless and greedy politicians as well as clueless Sinhala Buddhist campaigners who were trying to address the centuries of Sinhala Buddhist grievances with quicker solutions.
In other words, "Sinhala official state language" process should not have been politicized the way it was done. Once it became a bargaining and playing tool for the two major political parties, it was already on the path to a major conflict by adding incendiary to a fire.
සහතික ඇත්ත!
❤❤❤....very exalted .......
Dharmasiri Kariyawasm, has made a four part video presentation on the “Sinhala Only” issue. Although his citations are accurate, they are not comprehensive. Few, if any, are there references to Tamil sources. Kariyawasm bases his presentation on what is available in Sinhala language or those translated into Sinhala. There is much that is available in English which has not been translated to Sinhala - for instance, James Manor’s biography of Bandaranaike. The presenter quotes extensively from the biography of J R Jayawardene, by K M de Silva and Howard Wriggins, and also from Bandaranaike’s biography by Malalgoda Banduthilaka.
Kariyawasm seems to have a soft spot for Bandaranaike and attempts to make out that he was more a victim of circumstances in which he was placed and that the real culprit in this saga is JR. There may be some truth in it. A flaw in Kariyawasm’s presentation, however, is that he alludes motives to the actions of various actors in this matter. Particularly those of JR and Sir John but rarely Bandaranaike. The more serious flaw is that Kariyawasm does not dig deeper into the underlying reasons that gave rise to the facts recorded. This is what needs to be debated and which I proceed to do in this essay. It is long, but bear with me for it is important to have this discussion.
K M de Silva’s biography of JR is thorough. As an academic and a historian, de Silva is careful not to suggest motives without substantiating them with supporting evidence. Whereas, Kariyawasm freely attributes motives. That said, those motives may not be too far off the mark. It would have been good if he did more research and supported his opinions with evidence.
Origins of the language policies go back to the early part of the last century. Initially, the general consensus was to have both Sinhala and Tamil as official languages. JR mooted the idea that Sinhala should be the (only) official language. Bandaranaike took it up and ran on the Sinhala Only ticket at the 1956 Election. Obviously, as everyone knows, and Kariyawasm also says, it resonated with the Sinhala masses. That is common knowledge. But the unexamined part is how and why it so resonated with the masses and, more importantly what was in it, materially, for the common man.
That is the more interesting inquiry. More precisely, what were the motivating factors for the Sinhala masses to find Sinhala Only so appealing. This is a topic that is important to discuss at length because, undoubtedly, the language issue is at the core of the breakdown of the Sinhala-Tamil relationship. That breakdown snowballed into other intractable issues (B-C Pact, D-C Pact, Devolution, 13 and 13+, Kurundi, etc) to resolve. In turn, these led to five factors that underpins the current economic malaise. These being, (a) exodus of minorities to form powerful lobbies in the West against Sri Lanka, (b) massive brain drain of professional that were/are necessary to build up the economy, (c) a thirty year bloody civil war drastically draining resources, (d) the rise of a criminal and corrupt political class which is epitomized by the Rajapaksas and (e) a colossal deterioration of order, governance, accountability and social values. All these are interconnected, each impacting the other. And most, if not all, emanating from the 1956 language policy.
What then, were the motivating factors that gave rise to mass support for Bandaranaike’s promise of “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours”? To understand this, it is necessary to examine the composition of the society leading up to 1956.
As Kariyawasm points out, there was about 5% of the society that were competent in English in terms of their education and professional status. There would have been another 5% to 10% who were equally educated, but in the vernacular, mainly in the Swabhasha medium teaching profession, some in the informal Ayurveda medical profession and the Buddhist clergy. The “Sanga, Veda, Guru” triad that energized Bandaranaike’s 1956 Campaign. Rest of the population (“Govi, Kamakaru”), constituting perhaps as much as 85%, were mostly in rural based agricultural, fishing and allied trades. The social class above them led these people by their noses to vote for Bandaranaike. These percentages may vary slightly, but suffice for this analysis.
The 5% that had an English education included a miniscule number belonging to the elite class. They were certainly less than 0.1% and mainly in Colombo and other provincial towns. These were the high end professionals, senior administrators, tea planters, private sector executives and such like. The rest were the typical Ceylonese middleclass - such as English medium teachers, station masters, post masters, apothecaries, cooperative inspectors, clerks, and others. Though not at all elitist from a social context, because these people had an English education and because they spoke the language fluently and had embraced some degree of Western cultural facets, this layer of the society was perceived to be above the vernacular educated. Very few of those who had an education totally in the vernacular were in these employment types.
The principal fault line of the Ceylonese middleclass in 1956 was this division between the English and the vernacular educated. The vernacular educated middleclass resented what they perceived as the privileged position and social recognition of the English educated middleclass. Terms such as “godaya” was often used to refer to those who were middleclass in an economic sense but were not proficient in English. Added to this there was the issue of the trouser. An English education was seen as a prerequisite to don a trouser. The vernacular educated, often, were confined to wear a “redda” (national costume or tweed cloth and coat). There was nothing preventing anyone wearing anything. But there was a tacit injunction that if one was not educated in English, then one should not wear a trouser. By 1956 the taboos regarding the dress weren't all that sharp as it had been in previous times, but it was still around.
Although the 1956 official language issue is often characterized as a tussle between Sinhalese and Tamil masses (which it most certainly was not), the more relevant factor was the issue of perceived higher position of those educated in English vis-à-vis those who had a similar education, but in Sinhala. Whether this was also the case with those educated in Tamil is difficult to say. But it is unlikely because in general the Tamils weren’t in awe of English and Western Culture as the Sinhalese were. For the Tamils, English was an inferior language. Tamil language is one of the oldest languages in the world with a history spanning thousands of years and associated with a rich culture. Thus, the average Tamil does not hold English in awe as their Sinhala counterpart.
This awe at, and reverence towards, things English, coupled with the trepidation and a sense of inferiority among the middleclass educated in the vernacular, made the English language and Western culture their most reviled enemy. It was a Love-Hate relationship. They loved to be in the English educated cluster, but hated those who were because they weren’t in it. This psycho-emotional fact was a very powerful political force which Bandaranaike exploited to the maximum.
Thus, the objective of “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” was more to topple English language and Western culture from the pedestal it stood at the time in 1956 than the need for Sinhala to be the official language. It was the lack of competence in English language of those educated in the vernacular, and consequently their distance from Western culture, that brought about the desire to demolish the status English language and culture had in the 1956 society.
Why then, was the objection to making Tamil also an official language on par with Sinhalese? Why was parity of status objected to? This is a more complex question. By demolishing English, the vernacular educated Sinhala middleclass wanted to get on the pedestal so vacated. And they didn’t want to share that space with Tamils. There were reasons for this.
In 1956 Tamils had far more places in the public service and in elite professions than their population numbers warranted. Had Tamil been recognized on equal terms with Sinhalese, then, obviously, this imbalance could have continued and denied quick-time advancement for the Sinhalese. By not recognizing Tamil as a national official language, the Sinhala middleclass with an English education also had an advantage in vying for these positions and promotions thereafter.
Upshot was that Sinhalese middleclass, whether educated in English or in the vernacular, saw advantages in denying parity of status for Tamil.
Then there are still other factors that are even more complex. It is here that the thesis of the psychoanalyst, Vamık Volkan, needs to be considered. Volkan studied the most intricate sociopolitical conflicts around the world for decades and posited a theory. The theory neatly applies to the situation in 1956 Ceylon. In a nutshell, Volkan says that some societies suffer from hidden traumas and these manifest in conflict between different communal groupings in the present.
For four and a half centuries, the Sinhalese were under European colonial rule. And, half a millennia before that, for one reason or another, they fled the center of their civilization in the north central part of the island. Finally, the last colonizer gave independence almost for the asking. There was no freedom struggle to look back with pride as a national achievement. All in all, it was a pretty tame history. Thus, for a thousand years, the Sinhalese had nothing significant to brag about. With Independence, tribal Sinhala mindset needed something to redeem this inadequacy. The easiest was to find an internal enemy to flex its muscle. And, Tamils fitted the bill perfectly. They were the enemy of yore, now powerless and easily bullied. And “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” gave the much needed verve to bloat the deflated tribal egos. It was the same mindset, a half a century on and the “victory” in the Civil War made these tribalists (the inheritors of the prejudices of the earlier generation of vernacular educated middleclass) to elevate Rajapaksa to the status of Maharajano.
But what of the 85% underclass in the society? Where did they stand in 1956? Were they opposed to parity of status? Very unlikely. Their only issue, if they were able to articulate it, is that they be given the opportunity to deal with the administration in Sinhala, the only language they knew. And, that courts function in that language so that they know whether they receive justice.
Leonard Woolf’s novel, The Village in the Jungle, written in the early part of last century, tells the story of Silindu, an impoverished villager in Hambantota district eking a life on the edge of the jungle. Silindu faces a myriad of challenges at the hands of the low level officialdom and, one thing leading to another, is ultimately put on trial for murder. The case is conducted in English and Silindu’s side of the story dissipates into nothing in translation. Woolf, in 1913, sees the injustice meted out to lower level natives because of their inability to present their cases to administrators and courts in their own language. George Orwell makes a similar point in his novel, Burmese Days, in 1920s Burma.
For the 85% of the lower social strata in the island in 1956, the only issue (as far as language was concerned) was to be able to communicate in their own tongue with the officialdom. Whether Sinhala should be the only official language wasn’t an issue for them.
Then, how and why did they vote for Bandaranaike? Because of the widespread campaigning by the vernacular educated Sinhala middleclass, the Sanga -Veda-Guru triad. They portrayed Tamils as the enemy, invoked ancient legend and myth, and that time has come for the Sinhala people to rule the island. Did they fall for it?
Not really. The Sinhala villager is not a racist like their betters in the middleclass. But they came under their influence at village level. As always, it is the middleclass that influences the class below them which way to vote. Tragically, the universal franchise of the common man, in many countries, is arrogated by a manipulative middleclass and their agents.
At the 1956 Election, only Bandaranaike made “Sinhala Only in 24 Hours” a battle cry. The UNP had earlier called for parity of status, which would have been the consensus stand of the party except for JR. When they felt that Bandaranaike was making headway with his 24 Hour pitch, the UNP also promised to make Sinhala Only as the official language.
If one were to look at the voting pattern, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), the coalition Bandaranaike headed, received 40% of the popular vote. The UNP received 28%. Although they too were for Sinhala Only, whether that issue was a deciding criterion for its voter base is doubtful. Had they stuck with parity of status, they may even have received a higher percentage of votes. The left parties didn’t do badly at all in the Sinhala electorates even though they were firmly for Parity of Status. One could surmise from the above that the support for Sinhala Only, per se, wasn’t overwhelming. All that the common man wanted was to be able to interact with the government in their own language. Although, the public perception is otherwise; it is distorted as a mass demand for Sinhala Only.
The tragedy is this. If Bandaranaike did not spearhead the Sinhala Only campaign, it is unlikely anyone else would have. Some smaller extremist parties may have agitated for Sinhala Only, but it would not have translated to parliamentary seats. Had Bandaranaike not made language an issue, he may still have won the 1956 election, perhaps with a smaller margin. And politics in the country would have been fought not on sectarian basis, but on economics and other matters. And the subsequent history of the island would have been quite different.
The irony is that the language issue was meant to provide the Silindus of the country means of communicating with the administration in their own language. Whether it was only in Sinhala or in either Sinhala or Tamil wouldn’t have made an iota of difference to a vast majority of the people.
To have Sinhala Only as the official language was a desire of the Sinhalese middleclass, and more significantly, those who were educated in the vernacular. It was a combination of envy, a sense of inferiority, an expectation of getting an advantage and, to boost a historically deflated ego. This coterie would not have been more than 5% of the population. Yet, they were able to unleash an immense amount of discord between the speakers of the two languages. Which, in turn, ruined the country.
In that sense, Bandaranaike is the principal culprit. He made a Faustian bargain with the Sanga-Veda-Guru triad for power, sacrificing the cordiality that previously existed between the Sinhala and Tamil people. Although, one has to accept that Bandaranaike did try to put the genie back in the bottle. If not for his untimely death, he may have tried to uproot the poison weeds he planted in 1956. But then, history moved on.
…And those poisonous weeds still grow well in Kurund
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Good work. I am interested to see your research findings/observations on the following:
1. The Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Act of 1958, which was passed just two years after the Sinhala only act?
2. Do you think the Sinhala extremism that you mentioned was a reaction to the unfair advantage the English educated Tamils had in the public sector at the time?
3. Didn't the Tamil politicians demand 50:50 representation in the National Assembly long before the so-called official language debate /independence?
1. Talking about it in the future.
2. It was mentioned in the video.
3. Talking about it in the future.
බෞද්ධාගමට විසාල සේවයක්
කලා යැයි කියන නමුත් බෞද්ධ
ධර්මය කුමක්දැයි හදුනා නොගත්
අන්තවාදීන් නිසා රටක් වියවුලට
පත්ව ඇත.
ඇන්.ඇම්.පෙරේරා මහතාගේ
කතාවත් මෙත්තානන්ද ..ජයසූරිය
බෞද්ධයන් ගේ ක්රියාකලාපයත්
අතර වෙනස බලන්න.
කොල්නින්ලගෙ ජේ.ආර්.ලගෙ
වෙනසක් නැත.ජේ.ආර්.වෛරයෙන්
වෛරය නොසන්සිදේ කියලා
ජාපානෙට බණ කියලා මෙහෙ
ජාතින් අතර වෛරය වපුරලා ..
( උදාහරණ ගොඩක් තියනවා..
බණ්ඩාරනායක මැතිනිගෙ
ප්රජාඅයිතිය නැති කිරීම, 77
ජයග්රහණයෙන් පසු පොලිසියට
නිවාඩුදී විරුද්ධවාදීන්ට ගැසීම,
83දෙමල කෝලාහල ඇති කිරීම)
කොල්වින්ලත් එකක් කියලා.තව
එකක් කරලා තියනවා .
බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතාත් මේ තරම්
විසාල ජයග්රහණයක් ලබලත්
නිවැරදි දේ නොබියව කිරීමට
සමත් වෙලා.නෑ....
කොහොම හරි රටට වී ඇති අභාග්ය ට මේ සියලුදෙනා වගකිව
යුතුයි.
අද ජාති බේදයෙන් රට විනාස වෙලා..අලුයට ගිනි වගේ හිටපු
ගමන් උඩට එනවා..
ඉංග්රිසි භාෂාව පරයගෙ භාෂාව
කියා.ඇතමෙක් කිව්වත් එය
ජාත්යන්තර භාෂාව ...අද
දරුවෝ ඉංග්රිසි භාෂාව ඉගැනීමේ
පිපාසයෙන් ඒ මේ අත දුවනවා..
හැම තැනම ඉංග්රීසි ඉගැන්වීමේ
කඩ...සිංහල භාෂාව රාජ්ය භාෂාව කලත් ඉංග්රිසි ඉහැන්වීම
ව්යප්ත කරන්ට තිබ්බා
ඒ වනවිට මධ්යමහා විද්යාල
මගින් ඉංග්රීසි ඉගැනීම ගම්බද
දරුවන්ටත් හිමිකර දුන්නත්
එය තව දුරටත් ව්යප්ත කරනවා
වෙනුවට නැති කරලම.දැම්මා.
ඔය සිංහල වෙනුවෙන් හඩ නගපු
ඔක්කමලාගේ.දරුවෝ ඉංග්රිසි කාරයෝ වගේ ජීවත් වෙන්නෙ
( කලු..සුද්දෝ )...
දෙමල අය සිංහලද, සිංහල අය දෙමළද ජාත්යන්තර භාෂා වන Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian සහ Spanish ජාත්යන්තර භාෂා ලෙස තම කැමැත්ත මත ඉගෙන ගත යුතු අතර ලොව බහුලව ඉගෙන ගන්නා English හැමෝම ප්රගුණ කල යුතු අතර අවශ්යතාව මත විදෙස් රටක භාෂා (Japanese, Korean, ...) ප්රගුණ කල යුතුය.
😂😂😂
පලයං ඩෝ යන්න සිංහල අපි දෙමළ ඉගෙන ගන්නේ මොන ලබ්බකට ද? ඒ වෙලාව වෙනදෙයකට යොදපන් පාසැල් වල ළමයින්ටත් කියපන්
@@chamarasebastiyange5084 ලබ්බ කියවන කථාව ඉවරයි...!
@@chamarasebastiyange5084 jeewithaya lassana karanna
අඩෝ අපි ෆුල් සින්හලීස් බොල අනංමනං වානා ශරි.😠
ස්තුතිය කාරි ❤
Kaari, this is news to me to hear that Kolvin R de Silva included the "Sinhala official state language" status in the 1972 republic constitution which he opposed twenty years before that. I am not sure whether to describe the switch as hypocrisy or describe it as the typical political ideology cycle of average politician which starts with the leftist and end up in the right wing or radical to conservative conversion as they age(or simply a political strategy to address the traditional left's decreasing popularity by catering for the grievances of Sinhala Buddhist majority). Either way, Kolvin's switch of ideology is something we need to closely study and find out how, why and when.
What we can learn from this video series is how craftily both SInhala and Tamil elite politicians continued the colonial tactic of "divide and rule" policy for their own political and other survival and thriving. It is difficult to be exact about what was going inside SWRD Bandaranayake's head in terms of his genuineness about not force feeding Sinhala language to people in north and east.
It is also abundantly obvious how a small minor minority of chauvinists dictated the mindset of the major majority, just as Velupillai Pirabaharan did. Crazy chauvinists don't drop from the sky. Historical, social. political, economic, personal and otherwise factors always contribute to the birth of such individuals or groups. Sinhala elite minority chauvinists existence can be explained by historical factor of legitimate grievances of ordinary SInhala Buddhist crowd that has been growing for centuries and the same can be said about Tamil chauvinists elite groups as well. The manipulating chauvinists are always at the right place at the right time when the background has been growing for centuries.
What is obvious from your videos is how a very small manipulating minority elite exploited and initiated hatred among ordinary people to the point of going on riots and attacking each other.
We can argue that the Sinhala elite chauvinists existed because of the existence of Tamil chauvinists or vice versa. Ultimately, that can end up as a chicken or the egg argument.
Bandaranayake probably wanted to do the sensible and right thing to prevent future political, social and otherwise complications. However, he did not appear to be a strong leader who could ignore the political disadvantages and challenge the approach of Tamil and SInhala ignorant and manipulating elite minority.
28 Wana vinaadiyen pasu oba moada kathaawak kara etha. Nethnam obage hisata pistholayak thaba kavurun hoa obawa polambawa etha.
Suba dawasak kari
රට බෙදන්න කතා කරන දේශපාළකයින්ට අවශ්ය වී තිබුනේ/තිබෙන්නේ ලංකාවේ සියළුම ප්රදේශවල භේදයක් නැතිව හොඳින් ජීවත් වන අතරම ඔවුන්ට තනි පාළනයක් තියෙන ප්රදේශයක් (රටක්). එය දෙපාර් ෂවයේම සාමාන්ය ජනතාවගේ අවශ්යතාවය නොවේ.
Good
කාරි! මට එක ප්රශ්නයක් ආවා. ඒ තමයි, උපවාසයකින් ජාතියක ඉතිහාසය වෙනස් කරන්න කරපු මහාචාර්ය එෆ් ආර් ආර් විජේසූරියගේ උපවාසයට විකල්ප දේශපාලන හෝ කපටි පියවරක් ගන්න ප්රාචීන දේශපාලනඥයෙකු වු බණ්ඩාරනායක අසමත් වුනේ ඇයි කියල ?
එදත් අදත් 2kema, ප්රශ්න athi kare, මාධ්ය
Please reveal about Rajapaksha family
බලපෑම් මොක උනත් තීරණය ගත්තට පස්සෙ ඒකෙ වගකීම නායකයගෙ. බණ්ඩාරනායක තුමාට ඒකෙන් ගැලවෙන්න බෑ.
🖤👍👍
L H මෙත්තානන්ද නමැත්තා හොඳ බෞද්ධයෙක් ලෙස ඉතිහාසයේ සඳහන් වී ඇති බව ඔබතුමා සඳහන් කරනවා . එයින්ම පේනවා ලංකාවේ මිනිසුන් බෞද්ධයා යනු කවුරුන්දැයි මැන බැලූ ආකාරය. බෞද්ධයකු වශයෙන්, මා දන්නා බුදු දහමට අනුව, බෞද්ධයා ( බුද්ධිමතා ) යනු සියලු දෘෂ්ටි මනසින් ප්රහීණ කළ පුද්ගලයා ය. එවැනි උතුමෙකු තුළ ජාති , ආගම්, භාශා, කුල ඇතුළු සියලු භේදයන් අඩුම තරමින් අවම වී තිබිය යුතුය. එනයින් බලන කළ මොහු කවරෙක්ද ? ඇත්තෙන්ම බුදු දහම රැකීමට කියා සිවුරු දරා සිටින බහුතරයක් චීවරධාරීන් ගැන කියන්න තියෙන්නේ ද මේ ටිකමයි
මෙත්තානන්ද කුමක් ප්රහීණ කර සිටියේ දැයි මා දන්නේ නැහැ. එහෙත් ඔහු තමාගේ විස්වාසය අනුව තමාගේ සමාජයට යහපතක් කිරීමේ යහපත් අරමුණින් ක්රියා කළ පුද්ගලයෙක්. එය ආත්ම විමුක්තිය පමණක් ඉලක්ක කරන අයකුට වෙනත් ආකාරයකට පෙනෙනු විය හැකියි.
@@kaarigechannel1 ගාල්ලේ මෙතනන්ද මම දකිනෙ අවස්ථාවාදියෙක් හැටියට. මොහුගේ ක්රියා කලාපයෙන් ජාතියට සේවයක් කල කියල කියන්න අපහසුයි.මට හිතෙන දේ
@@imithiyasahamad9288 ඔහු දේශපාලනඥයෙක් නෙවෙයි. ඔහුට පෞද්ගලික වාසි ලබා ගැනීමේ අරමුණක් තිබුණේ නැහැ කියලා පේනවා.
Kari mathmaya,e kalayedi sinhala katha karana aya saha demala katha karana aya prathishathayak vidiyata kopamana sitiyada?bahutharaya iatha wedi nam owunge bashawa rajya bashawa weema varadi natha kiya sithanawame kumana panatha genawath awa kriyathmaka kireemedi ape desha palakayange kuta menma diyaru prathipatthi thamai mesiyalu de weradi patthatama geniyanna hethu wune kiya sithenawa.
සිංහල පමණක් පනත ගෙනාවේ බණ්ඩාරනායක මිස UNP එක නොවේ. සම භාෂා ප්රතිපත්ති ය නිසා කොතලාවල 56දී පැරදුණා. බණ්ඩාරනායක 56 දිනුවට පසු සිංහල පමණක් පනත ගෙනල්ලා , ශ්රී අංක ආරම්භ කරලා ජාතිවාදී යුද්ධය ආරම්භ කළා. රටේ සාමාන්ය ජනතාවට ඉංග්රීසි අධ්යාපනය අවහිර කරලා එයාලගේ දරුවන් ට පමණක් ඉංග්රීසි අධ්යාපනය ලබාදුන්නා
ඔබ වීඩියෝ ටික බැලුවේ නැහැ නේ ද?
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ගාලු මුවදොරට පහර දුන්නේ මෙත්තානන්ද නැත්නම් k.m.p.රාජරත්නද?
ආචාර්ය කොල්වින් ආර්. ද සිල්වා මහතා 72 ව්යවස්ථාව මුලින් ම ලීවේ සිංහල භාෂාවෙන් බව බොහෝ දෙනෙක් නො දනිති. කොල්වින් මෙය කළේ එවක පේරාදෙණිය සරසවියේ සිංහල මහැදුරු ව සිටි පී.ඊ.ඊ. ප්රනාන්දු සූරීන් ලවා ය.
සිරිමාවොගෙ සීයා කොහොමත් උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ "යිරත්වත්තෛ" කියලා දෙමළෙන් අත්සන්තබා ඇත .
උබලා වගේ කලවම් දෙමළ්ලුන්ගෙ උවමනාවට (සිරිමාවො, බණ්ඩාරනායක , N.M.Perera ,කොල්වින් ආර් .ද සිල්වා ) 1970 ගණන් වල සිලෝන්(සිංහලේ) කියලා අවෘදු 600කට වඩා තිබ්බ අපේ රටේ නම
එක රැයෙන් " ශ්රී ලංකාවක්" කරලා අපිව කොහෙද යන "ශ්රී ලාංකිකයො" 🤣කරා ! මොකද උබලා මතුපිටින් සිංහල ලෙස පෙනී හිටියට උබලගෙ ඇත්ත ආගම ඉන්දියාවෙ හින්දු ආගම නිසා ඉන්දියාවෙ බමුණන්ගෙ රාමායණයට අනුව අපේ රටේ නම "ශ්රී ලංකාවක්' කරා !
"යිරත්වත්තෛ" යනු වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ සමයේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ගුරුකම් කරන්න ආපු බමුණන් පිරිසක් වන අතර වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ ආධාරයෙන් සිංහල මිනිස්සුන්ගෙ ඉඩම් කොටුකරගෙන , පසුව සිංහල නම් දමාගත් පිරිසකි , ඒකයි ඔව්න්ට 1815 වන විටත් සිංහල අකුරක් වත් ලියන්න දන්නැත්තෙ ,මොකද දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙ බ්රාහ්මණයන්ගෙ භාෂාව දෙමළ භාෂාව නිසා ඔබ්න් ඉගෙන ගත්තෙ දෙමළ , බෞද්ධයන් නොවූ බැවින් සිංහල පිරිවෙන් අධ්යාපනයක් නොලබා ඇතිබැවින් , හරියට සිංහලෙන් තමන්ගේ නමවත් ලිවීමට නොදන්නා බැවිනි!
Jinnah tried to the same in eastern pakistan
ඒක අසාධාරණයි මොකද 95% බෙංගාලි නමුත් මෙතන ඒ කාලේ 95% සිංහල එය රාජ්ය භාෂාව වීම සාධාරණයි
@@upuldhanushkagajanayake2719 i agree
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Adopting Sinhala as the official state language was something that had to happen. However, not introducing a sensible and practical official language act to cater for the needs of Tamil speaking people in north and east was politically and socially ignorant and short sighted approach by the opportunistic Sinhala politicians of those days. Tamil chauvinist politicians were able to exploit the grievances of ordinary Tamil people in north and east because our SInhala politicians created the background for it(taking it on from the colonial administration).
This kind of socially significant change should've been planned and implemented over no less than a decade of time period by creating necessary institutions for the transformation, in order to allow Tamils in north and east to adapt and organize their social-political institutions to work with the central government. That was not possible with our clueless and greedy politicians as well as clueless Sinhala Buddhist campaigners who were trying to address the centuries of Sinhala Buddhist grievances with quicker solutions.
In other words, "Sinhala official state language" process should not have been politicized the way it was done. Once it became a bargaining and playing tool for the two major political parties, it was already on the path to a major conflict by adding incendiary to a fire.
Yes. Indeed.
🎉🎉🎉
බලය ලබා ගැනීම සදහා දේශපාලන පොරොන්දු ලබාදීම නිසා රට වලට ඇදල දාපු එක අවස්ථාවක්...
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දැන් දෙමළ සිංහළ දෙකම රාජ්ය භාෂානෙ ?
ඒත් දෙමළු නිජ බිම ඉල්ලන එක නැවතුණාද?
වාහන වල ශ්රී අකුර නැති කළා. නැවතුනාද ?
සිංහල පාසැල් වල දෙමළ උගන්නන්න පටන් ගත්තා. නැවතුණාද?
උතුරු නැගෙනහිර සිංහල බෞද්ධ උරුමය වහන්න පුරා වස්තු විනාශ කළා
මුන්ට ඕන සිංහලයට නාස් ලණු දාගෙන උතුරු නැගෙනහිර අත්පත් කරගෙන මලයනාඩුව හදන්නයි. ඉන්දියාවත් ඒකට උදව් කරනව තමිල්නාඩුවෙ චන්ද නිසා.
උන්ට ඕන සිංහලයින්ට නාස් ලණුව දාගෙන මුලින් උතුර
It was Sinhala ONLY act that created divisions and NOT the Sinhala Act.................Talk about 1962 Political coup, Assassination of Bandaranaike, 1972 Land Reform act
Stay tuned for upcoming videos.
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According to you, the pressure on Bandaranaike to make only Sinhala the official language came from his own followers. It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru" and attributed Sinhala racism to them. Otherwise, he agreed with the opinion of the racists to increase his followers. Eventually his own followers outgrew him. The other is that Bandaranaike cannot wash his hands by crediting Perera's account of including this in the Constitution because he was the leader of that government.
//According to you, the pressure on Bandaranaike to make only Sinhala the official language came from his own followers// Not according to me, according to history. //It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru" and attributed Sinhala racism to them.// This is factually wrong. //Eventually, his own followers outgrew him.// This is true. //The other is that Bandaranaike cannot wash his hands by crediting Perera's account of including this in the Constitution because he was the leader of that government.// Responsibility is not for what was done, but for how it was done.
95% සිංහල 5% දෙමල මොකක්ද රාජ්ය භාෂාව වෙන්න ඕනෙ පැහැදිලියි නේද
You are correct. Banda is directly responsible for the failed state that is Sri Lanka today. No amount of white washing his sins can deny it. Things can only get worse until one day this country gets fully destroyed due to this stupid action done decades ago. Hope we will not be alive to see it....
"It was he who created a force called "Sanga, Weda, Guru, Govi, Kamkaru"
That is not true. Those "five social forces" were the work of Anagarika Dharmapala and similar campaigners. Dharmapala campaigned most of his life to elevate the self respect and self esteem of Sinhala Buddhist crowd until he gave up in the end and abandoned his campaign. Bandaranayake, more or less exploited and built his political movement that was based on Dharmapala's work and other similar contemporary campaigner's work.
Bandaranayake did not have much of an understanding of those Sinhala Buddhist cultural forces and grievances he was dealing with until it was too late. He had his head filled with modern western liberal ideals due to his western education and heavy western cultural influence. When Bandaranayake realised the candle he lighted among the majority Sinhala Buddhist crowd by using their historical grievances, has turned into an inferno at the hands of few Tamil and SInhala chauvinists, it was already a mess. He was already on the receiving end of wrath from both Sinhala and Tamil political elite who had their own agenda of preserving themselves and their interests, rather than addressing the true grievances of average Sinhala Buddhists of all around the island and Tamil Hindus of north and east. Major part of grievances from both average Sinhala and Tamil people were economical grievances that was masquerading under the guise of cultural(language, religion, politics, etc).
This economic or the quality of life problem has not changed in anyway to this day. Most of these so called cultural and political issues will become less important if the economic problem or the quality of life issue among ordinary Tamil and Sinhala people are addressed.. As always, privileged political elite always complicate existing problems or create new ones among ordinary people to protect their elite status, both economically and politically. Best tactic they have been using throughout the history is to divide and turn people against each other.
@@domari9459 I think you are very right in analyzing the issue correctly. Thank you....
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සිංහල භාෂාව රාජ්ය භාෂාව කිරීම නිසා උතුරේ යුද්ධය ඇතිවුනා කියන මිත්යා මතයත් ඉදිරියේදි නිවැරදි කරන්න.
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1. Democracy / ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය කියන්නේ ඇත්තටම මොකක්ද ...
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වගේ දේවල් කතා කරන vedio series එකක් කරන්න පුලුවන්ද ....
ලංකාව ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය practice කරනවා කිව්වට, ඇත්තටම ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය කියන්නේ මොකක්ද කියලා පැටලිලා ඉන්නේ...
නැති දේවල් ඉල්ලන්න හරි, තියන එකට adupt වෙන්න හරි තියෙන්නෙ මොකක්ද කියලා දැනගෙන ඉන්නෙ ඕනිනේ...
ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය කියන්නේ ප්රෝඩාතන්ත්රවාදයක් නෙ. ඉදිරියේ දි ඒ ගැන කතා කරනවා.
කිසිම වැඩකට නැති මාතෘකා ලොකු කරල පෙන්නලා ඡන්ද කඩා ගන්න එක තමයි දේශපාලකයෝ කරන්නේ 🤮🤮🤮
8762: MODAYA... RATAWAL 14 K EKATHUWELA UDDAYA NIMAKALE ... DANNAWADA...? UDDAYA DHUNNE DHAKUNE JAATHIWADHI NAAYAKAYO..... AVURUDHU 68 K GATHWELA THAWATH JAATHIWADHI HENGEEM RATATA KELAWUNE... KMP RAJARATNA... ADHA LOKENMA 04 WENI HINGANE RATA VUNE...
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කවුරු කවුරුත් එකතු වෙලා තම ආත්මාර්ථය වෙනුවෙන් කටයුතු කලා. ඉංගිරිසි පිටු දැකීමේ ප්රතිඵල දකින්ට ලැබෙන්නේ ර ටින්😂 පිටතට ගිය විටයි.
කවුරුත් ඉංග්රීසි පිටුදැක්කේ නැහැ
ඒ කියන්නෙ gallface එකේ ගහ ගත්තෙ 2022 විතරක් නෙවෙයි... 🤣
සිංහල අන්තවාදය ආරම්භය ගැන video එකක් ඕනෙ
මේ රටට පෘතුගීසින් පැමිණීමට පෙර සිටම මේ රට "සිංහල දීප" ලෙස හැදින්විය , අරාබි ජාතිකයන් එය "සෙරන්ඩිබ්" ලෙස උච්චාරණය කළ අතර පෘතුගීසි ජාතිකයන්ට එය "සිලෝන්" විය!
සිරිමාවොගෙ සීයා කොහොමත් උඩරට ගිවිසුමේ "යිරත්වත්තෛ" කියලා දෙමළෙන් අත්සන්තබා ඇත .
උබලා වගේ කලවම් දෙමළ්ලුන්ගෙ උවමනාවට (සිරිමාවො, බණ්ඩාරනායක , N.M.Perera ,කොල්වින් ආර් .ද සිල්වා ) 1970 ගණන් වල සිලෝන්(සිංහලේ) කියලා අවෘදු 600කට වඩා තිබ්බ අපේ රටේ නම
එක රැයෙන් " ශ්රී ලංකාවක්" කරලා අපිව කොහෙද යන "ශ්රී ලාංකිකයො" 🤣කරා ! මොකද උබලා මතුපිටින් සිංහල ලෙස පෙනී හිටියට උබලගෙ ඇත්ත ආගම ඉන්දියාවෙ හින්දු ආගම නිසා ඉන්දියාවෙ බමුණන්ගෙ රාමායණයට අනුව අපේ රටේ නම "ශ්රී ලංකාවක්' කරා !
"යිරත්වත්තෛ" යනු වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ සමයේ දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙන් ගුරුකම් කරන්න ආපු බමුණන් පිරිසක් වන අතර වඩිග රජවරුන්ගේ ආධාරයෙන් සිංහල මිනිස්සුන්ගෙ ඉඩම් කොටුකරගෙන , පසුව සිංහල නම් දමාගත් පිරිසකි , ඒකයි ඔව්න්ට 1815 වන විටත් සිංහල අකුරක් වත් ලියන්න දන්නැත්තෙ ,මොකද දකුණු ඉන්දියාවෙ බ්රාහ්මණයන්ගෙ භාෂාව දෙමළ භාෂාව නිසා ඔබ්න් ඉගෙන ගත්තෙ දෙමළ , බෞද්ධයන් නොවූ බැවින් සිංහල පිරිවෙන් අධ්යාපනයක් නොලබා ඇතිබැවින් , හරියට සිංහලෙන් තමන්ගේ නමවත් ලිවීමට නොදන්නා බැවිනි!
සිංහල අන්තවාදය කියල එකක් නෑ 🤦♂️
පවු බන්ඩාරනායක බබා
S.W R D Bandaranayake අන්තවාදී සත්තු ටිකක් එක්ක ගිවිසුම් ගහන්, ඒකෙන් අගමැතිකම් අරන් නිකම් මැරුම් කෑවා...😆
මොනවද ඒ ගිවිසුම්?
@@kaarigechannel1සමා වෙන්න ගිවිසුම් කිව්වේ ලිඛිත එකගතා නෙමෙයි. චන්ද පොරොන්දු වශෙයෙන් වූ එකගතා. කොහොම හරි 1956 චන්දේ දිනන්න ඕන විදිහට සහය දෙන්න ආපු හැම කන්ඩායම් වල චන්දය යොදා ගන්න SWRD බණ්ඩාරනායකට කටයුතු කලා. ඒ ඒ අයගේ ප්රතිපත්ති මය විෂමතා සැලකිල්ලට ගත්තේ නෑ.
ඒ අතරට UNP පවුල් පරමපරාවකට සම්බන්ද විමලා විජයවර්ධන වගේ ඉහලම ධනපතියොත් හිටියා. පිලිප් ගුනවර්ධන වගේ උග්ර සමාජවාදියෝ එක්ක.
අන්තිමට විමලා විජයවර්ධන, බුද්ධරඛ්කිත හාමුදුරුවෝ එක්ක බන්ඩාරනායක ඝාතනය කරන්නේ එයාලගේ ධනපති ව්යාපාරික අවශ්යතා ඔහුගෙන් (සෙවල බන්ඩාගෙන් ) ඉටු නොවන නිසා.
සිරිමාවෝ මැතිනිය වගේ ස්වකීය ස්ථාවරය හෝ ප්රතිපත්තිය ඍජුව කියන කෙනෙක් නෙමෙයි SWRD. මේ නිසා ඔහු 1956 වෙද්දි හිටපු UNP විරෝධී සියලු බලවේග සූක්ශමව ඒකරාශී කරගෙන බලවත් ආණ්ඩුවක් හදනවා. අවසානයේ ඒ විශම අදහස් ඇති පිරිස් නිසා තමාගේ නිදහස් මතවාදය හා ජීවිතයද එතුමාට අවාසනාවන්ත ලෙස අහිමි වෙනවා.
@mortzkizshikesh9375 බන්ඩාරනයක ඝාතන නඩුව ගියේ ඒ දෙදෙනා සහ තල්දූවේ සෝමාරාම යන අයට එරෙහිවයි
@@nalaka885 ඔව්. බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ දේශපාලන ඉරණම ගැන ඉදිරියේ දි කතා කරනවා.
බණ්ඩාරනායක අපේ රටේ අගමැති බවට පත්වෙනකොට රටේ මුස්ලිම් ජනගහනය 1% යි , අද මුස්ලිම් ජනගහනය 9.6% ක් වෙලා🤔
ඒ මොකද?
🫡
Sinhalese have been living in this island for more than 2600 years unbroken with
having inter marriage with "vaddas"
Even today sinhalese language have
many vadda language words ( ex: "ඇත්තො" , "ඇ" word from "vadda language" and only language with having word "ඇ" in the entire world and many more relations,...)
Sinhalese built the Civilization
In this land ..so sinhalese have every rights to claim the country than any other colonial slave migraters who brought by british , portuguese,.. were lower cust tamils from india, muslims , as their slave works as they have beed alway treated in india ,
Sinhalese fought against all those foreign invaders to protect this land
By sacrificing their lives , familys ,... everything they had,
More than anyone had ever done on
this land 🙏
Moada comment
@@anandhapandian5447 සුද්දන්ගෙ යටත්විජිත කාලේ ඉන්දියාවෙන් අපේ රටට වැඩට ආපු දෙමළ අඩුකුලේ උඩගු ඊරිසියාකාරයෙක් !
එතකොට බන්ඩා බබා 😂😂
එහෙම ද පේන්නේ? වීඩියෝව බැලුවා නම් කවුද බබා කියලා තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්.
මම නම් දකින්නේ, ඉංග්රිසි ඒ තිබුණු විදියට තිබුණා නම්. සිංහල දෙමළ භාෂා දෙකක් විදියට ඉගැන්නුවානම් මේ සියලු ප්රශ්න ඉවරයි.
එදා ඉංග්රීසි පුළුවන් වුනේ ප්රභූ පැලැන්තියට විතරයි. ඒ නිසා සිංහල මිනිසුන් දැඩි අපහසුතාවලට මුහුණ පෑවා රාජකාරි කටයුතු කරගන්න ගියාම. සියවස් එක හමාරක් පමන මේ රටේ රාජකාරි ඉංග්රීසියෙන් කෙරුනට, සාමාන්ය මීනිහට ඉංග්රීසි පුළුවන් වුනේ නැ. ඒ හැකියාව ඇති කෙරෙව්වෙත් නෑ. ප්රභූන් විසින් ඉංග්රීසිය ආභරණයක් කරගත්තා පමනයි
😂😂
එහෙම නොවෙන්න මේ වෙද්දී සිංහල භාශාව කියන්නේ මල භාශාවක්
සුද්දො මේ රට පැහර ගන්න කලින් ඔය යස අගේට රට දිවුනු වෙලා තිබුනේ ඉංග්රීසි වලින් නෙවෙයිනේ 😂
ඊශ්රායල් මිනිස්සු තමන්ගේ මල භාශාව වූ හිබ්රෙව් යලි පනගන්වා අද ලෝකේ ඉහලින් ඉද්දි මේ රටේ විනාශය පටන් ගත්තේ රටේ අනන්යතාවය පැත්තක දාලා සුලු කොටස් වලට ඕනෑ විදිහට ඒ මිනිස්සු න්ගේ මනාපය වෙනුවෙන් තීන්දු තීරණ ගැනිම .
ඔබට අදහස වෙනස් කරගන්න පුළුවන් වේවි වීඩියෝ මාලාවම බලන්න. බණ්ඩාරනායක මහතාගේ මුල් මතය භාෂාව සම්බන්ධයෙන් දිගටම තිබුනේ නම් ගැටුම් නැති වෙන්න තිබුනා
@@ngjijayasena4119 මොකක්ද මුල් මතය කිව්වෙ. ගැටුම් ඇති වුනේ බණ්ඩාරනායක නිසා නෙවෙයි
@samadhibawana සියලු ප්රශ්න ඇති වුණේ ඉංග්රීසි තිබුණු විදියට ම නොතැබූ නිසා ද?
නියම ගිරා ජෝඩුව
පවු බන්ඩාරනායක බබා තමා! He’s the one who took the genie out of the bottle and he obviously couldn’t put it back in! That’s his fault IMHO and have to disagree with Kari with his conclusion!
You disagree not with me but with history. Whatever the reason, it's your choice.
When people interpret historical facts, they are often influenced by their political, racial, or religious ideologies and biases. While some individuals genuinely strive to remain impartial and avoid taking sides in political matters, complete neutrality is often difficult to achieve due to various factors such as political, religious and racial beliefs. I don't know if Kaari actually believes he is politically neutral which is a naive thing to believe or if he actually has a hidden agenda. However, it's obvious he is a staunch supporter of Bandarnaike and saying that disagreeing with him disagrees with history only shows his arrogance. මිනිසුන් ඓතිහාසික කරුණු අර්ථකථනය කරන විට, ඔවුන් බොහෝ විට ඔවුන්ගේ දේශපාලන, වාර්ගික හෝ ආගමික මතවාදයන් සහ පක්ෂග්රාහී බලපෑම්වලට ලක් වේ. සමහර පුද්ගලයන් අවංකවම අපක්ෂපාතීව සිටීමට සහ දේශපාලන කාරණාවලදී පැත්තක් ගැනීමෙන් වැළකී සිටීමට උත්සාහ කරන අතර, දේශපාලන/ආගමික/වාර්ගික විශ්වාසයන් වීම වැනි විවිධ සාධක හේතුවෙන් සම්පූර්ණ මධ්යස්ථභාවය සාක්ෂාත් කර ගැනීම බොහෝ විට දුෂ්කර ය. කාරී, ඔහුගේ අදහස් මධ්යස්ථයි කියා අවංකවම විශ්වාස කරනවද කියලා (එසේ නම් ඔහු ඉතා බොළඳයි) නැතහොත් ඔහුට සැබවින්ම සැඟවුණු න්යාය පත්රයක් තිබේදැයි මම නොදනිමි. කෙසේ වෙතත්, ඔහු බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ දැඩි ආධාරකරුවෙකු බව පැහැදිලිය, ඔහු සමඟ එකඟ නොවීම ඉතිහාසයට එකඟ නොවන බව පැවසීම ඔහුගේ උඩඟුකම පමණක් පෙන්නුම් කරයි.
@@KeerthiWijayabahu මධ්යස්ථභාවය කියන්නේ සාපේක්ෂ දෙයක්. මට සැඟවුණු න්යාය පත්රයක් තිබේ ද යන්න මගේ වීඩියෝ හොඳින් අවධානයෙන් බලන අයට තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්. ඒත් ඔබේ නිගමන ගැන සැක සහිතයි. මම කෙසේ වත් බණ්ඩාරනායකගේ ආධාරකරුවෙක් නෙවෙයි. ඔබ මගේ අනික් වීඩියෝ නොබැලූ බවයි එයින් තේරෙන්නේ. ඉතිහාසයට එකඟ නොවීම යනුවෙන් මා අදහස් කළේ ඉතිහාසයේ සිදු වූ දේවල් නොපිළිගැනීම ගැනයි. එය උඩඟුකමක් වන්නේ කෙසේ දැයි නොදනිමි.
@@KeerthiWijayabahu අම්මද බොල කීර්ති විජයභාහු තුන්ඩු දෙන්නැද්ද දැන් කඩ වහන්න🤪
කාරි යනු ඉතිහාසය පිළිබඳ පණිවිඩ කරුවකු පමණි. පණිවිඩ කරුවකුට වෙඩ් තැබීම මගින් ඉතිහාසය වෙනස් කළ නොහැකි ය. තවද අද බොහෝ අය මෙම සංසිද්ධිය තේරුම් ගැනීමට උත්සාහ කරන්නේ එදා ලංකාවේ පැවති සමාජ වපසරිය සහ සන්දර්භය පිළිබද නිසි අවබෝධයක් නොමැතිව වේ. කාරි කරනේ එය පිළිබඳ ව නිසි අවබෝධයක් ලබාගැනීමට උපකාරීවීමයි.
ඔහු කරුණු වාර්තා කරන ආකාරය වෘත්තීය මට්ටමින් පවත්වාගෙන යන අතර ප්රේක්ෂකයකු ලෙස ඔහුට සැගවුණ න්යාය පත්රයක් ඇති බවක් මට නොපෙනේ.
තවද සියලු අගතියන්ගෙන් (biases) තොරව කිසිදු මනුෂ්යයකුට වාර්තාවන් ඉදිරිපත් කල නොහැක, කලහැකි වන්නේ අගතීන් ඇත්නම් ඒවා ප්රකාශයට පත් කිරීම පමණි.
Politics is art of possible. There is no point accusing Badarnaike or any one politician or person individually for making Sinhala the official language.
Perhaps their personal views on this could have beeen different.
What we have do is to learn lessons from it make our future peaceful and prosperous. Otherwise, we would become once again a colony in the 21st century.
All countries got indipence from their colonial masters had gone through similar situation sometime or the other in their post indipendent era.
Bitter truth is most of them had managed these crises much more better than we Sri Lankans did. Let's we be humble enough to learn from our past mistakes.
නූතන ලෝකයට වැදගත් වෙන්නේ අන්ඩදාපු ඉතිහාසයද ආර්තික ප්රසාරණතාවයද කියා සිතාබලන්න
ඉතිහාසයට අණ්ඩ දාන්න බැහැ. සැබෑ ඉතිහාසය තියෙන්නේ අනාගය උදෙසා පාඩම් ඉගෙන ගන්නයි. ආර් ථිකය ප්රසාරණය කරනවා කියලා එහෙම වුණොත් කරන්න වෙන්නේ වර් තමානයට පැලැස්තර දාන එක විතරයි.
90% of socalled sri lankan tamil was
Brought here by portuguese , dutch , english time to time from india to costal aria to work as slave workers (before they were lower cast tamils in india , sakkiliyar, roddi,.. etc , who later became suicide attackers and were forced to do so by upper cast tamils ) after the massacred of those costal living sinhalese by colonizers and immediately sinhalese villages became tamil villages , after ponnambalam ramathan (also migrated from sound india and who didn' t even knew much about ceylon
people or culture and british gave him higher possession in government than sinhalese becouse sinhalese were alway fighting for freedom against the british ) became registar general changed those indian tamils
Identity as a ceylon tamils and nowadays they says they are oldest here , my advice you to read old ceylon gazettes and what was did by
Ponnambalam ramathan and arunachalem🧐
30 years of civil war was created by british , dutch and portuguese colonialism and their slave labours outnumbered native people and disenfranchised the identity of vanni and north-eastern coastal living sinhalese
තමන්ගේ බලලෝභය නිසා ජනතාවට ජාතිවාදී ටොපිය සූප්පු කරන්න දුන්න බණ්ඩාරනායක නම් දඩයම්කරුට
අවසානයේ දඩයම වෙන්න වුනා 😢😢
බණ්ඩාරනායක පමනක් නෙවෙයි JR, DS ඇතුළු ඔය හැමෝම බලලෝබයෙන් තමයි කටයුතු කරල තියෙන්නෙ කියල තේරෙනවා ඉතිහාස සිදුවීම් දෙස පැහැදිලිව බලද්දි. JR තමයි මුලින්ම සිංහල භාෂාව රාජ්ය භාෂාව කල යුතු බවට යෝජනාව ගෙනත් තියෙන්නෙත්. ඒක කලේ බල ලෝබය නිසාම තමයි. එහෙම නැතිව සිංහළුන් ගැන අවංක හැඟීමෙන් නෙවෙයි. අනික ඕනෑම රටක බහුතර ජන වර්ගයෙ භාෂාව තමයි රාජ්ය භාෂාව වෙන්නෙ.එදා ඉංග්රීසියෙන් කතා කල අය අමුතු හයියකින්, ලොකුකමකින්, මහන්හත්වයකින් ඔළුව උදුම්මමාගෙන හිටපු නිසා සාමාන්ය සිංහල ජනතාව දැඩි පීඩාවකින් හිටියෙ තමන්ගෙ රාජකාරී වැඩ කටයුතුකර ගැනීමට නොහැකිව.1815 සිට අවුරුදු 130 ක් වැනි දීර්ඝ කාලයක් සුද්දා මේ රට අල්ලගෙන හිටියට, අපේ ප්රභූන් කියා ගත් අය ඉංග්රීසියෙන් කතා කලාට, මන්ත්රණ සභාවෙත් හිටියට, සාමාන්ය සිංහල මිනිහට ඉංග්රීසි දැනුම දුන්නෙ නැ. ඒ වෙනුවට ප්රභූන් සහ ඒ අවට හිටි අය සාමාන්ය සිංහල ජනතාවට ලොකුකම් පෙන්නුව එක විතරයි කලේ. එහෙම බලනකොට සිංහල රාජ්ය භාෂාව කිරීමේ වැරැද්ද මොකක්ද. අනික ඒක බණ්ඩාරනායකගෙ තනි තීරණයක් නෙවෙයි. ඒ වගේම භාෂා කෙටුම් පතට දාපු, තමන් කැමති භාෂාවකින් රාජකාරි කිරීමේ අයිතියට ඇයි අනික් අය විරුද්ධ වුනේ. අන්න එතනයි ගැටළුව. සිංහළ භාෂාව රාජ්ය භාෂාව කරල, අනික් ජාතීන්ටත් තමන් කැමති භාෂාවකින් කටයුතු කිරීමට අයිතිය දීල, ඉංග්රීසි අනිවාර්යයෙන් ඉගෙනගත යුතු භාෂාවක් කරන්න තිබුනා. විභාගවලට ඉංග්රීසි අනිවාර්ය කරන්න තිබුනා. එහෙනම් අද වන විට ඇති වෙලා තියන ජනවාර්ගික ගැටළු එන්නෙ නෑ. බණ්ඩාරනායකට පමනක් දොස් කියන එක වැරදියි.මෙත්තානන්ද කියන කෙනා තමයි මේ සියළු වැරදිවලට ප්රධානම වගකිවයුත්තා
Me kathawa mula sita ahapan bn. meeharakek nowi. Anika uba dannawada. JR kiyanne thakkadi hiwalek bn.
හොඳම උදාහරනෙ අස්රොෆ්
මීට අදාල කොටස් 4 ම ඔබ ඇහුවද? එහෙමනම් පෙනෙයි මේ වැඩේට ඊට පෙර සිටි බලලෝභී දේශපාලුවන්ද ලෑස්තිවෙලා සිටිබව.
බණ්ඩාරනායක අපේ රටේ අගමැති බවට පත්වෙනකොට රටේ මුස්ලිම් ජනගහනය 1% යි , අද මුස්ලිම් ජනගහනය 9.6% ක් වෙලා🤔
ඒ මොකද?
දෙමලු කැමති උන්ව ගෙනාව සුද්දගේ බසට සිංහලය හිස ඔසවල ඉන්නවට උන් කැමති වෙයිද ඉංග්රීසි ඕනනම් සුද්දතෙක්කම යන්න එපාය උන් යන තැනට සිංහලයෝ වසර දහස් ගණනක් හදාපු වඩාපු රටේ නැවත සිංහල රජබස නොකර වෙන මොන බසක් රජබස කරන්නද එක අන්තවාදය වෙන්නේ කොහොමද දෙමලු වෙනම රාජ්යයක් ඉල්ලුවේ මීට හුඟක් ඉස්සර
@mortzkizshikesh9375 Gon katha dhanna epa.buddhimath vanu
@mortzkizshikesh9375 Sinhala paalakayan gena nedha kiyanne
wathukaraye dhemalunwa sudhdho genawa eka hari.eelame dhemalun sinhalunta kalin mehe jeewath wanawa moada mahaththayo .
Banda rata ksawa.
This show how Sinhala were jelous people in the world that we are now facing still
🤑🤑🤑🤑🤑
Racist result we face now and Tamils ate living better in canada than any Sinhala racist
RIP😂😂😂
anybody can go and live better in canada lmao
We know how Tamils live in Canada. Their children can’t speak Tamil. End of Tamil. If all the Tamils can go to Canada please do!
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එදා ඔය පනත ගෙනා අයගෙ දරුවන්ට පමණක් එංගලන්තයේ ඉංග්රීසි භාෂාවෙන් ඉගැන්වීම සහා අපට සිංහලෙන් ඉගෙනගන්න සැලැස්විම ගැන අපෙ හාමුදුරුවෝ කතා නොකලෙ ඇයි.
❤